Landfills and waste facilities: siting, buffer zones and waste pickers
A waste facility displaces through its buffer as much as its footprint, and the people who live on the existing dump have no title at all.
A waste facility displaces in three distinct ways: the footprint it occupies, the buffer zone it sterilises around itself, and the livelihood it ends for the people who were already working the old dump it replaces. Most siting studies address the first and treat the other two as consultation issues.
The buffer is part of the take
Environmental standards require a separation distance between a landfill and residential use, and that distance covers land the project does not acquire. Households inside it may be prohibited from building, may find their land unsaleable, or may be told to move without any acquisition process being triggered.
Where a restriction removes the use someone had of their land, it is economic displacement whether or not title changed hands, and the affected households belong in the register.[1] The alternative — acquiring the buffer outright — is more expensive at the outset and removes a permanent source of complaint.
A buffer zone is a decision to make other people's land unusable. That is a taking in substance, and the question is only whether it is paid for.
Waste pickers
Existing dumpsites support a working population — sorting, recovering, trading — that is often several hundred people, frequently including children, and almost always without any recognised right to be there. Closing the site ends their income entirely.
They are economically displaced, and their lack of legal standing does not remove the entitlement to assistance.[2] Enumerating them is genuinely difficult: the population is mobile, works irregular hours, may not live nearby, and has good reason to distrust anyone official. It requires enumeration on site at working hours, over several visits, with intermediaries the population already trusts.
Where a new facility includes a sorting operation, integrating existing pickers into it is the remedy that matches the loss — and it needs to be designed in, because a contracted operator will otherwise hire whoever it prefers.
Access roads and the route the trucks take
A facility generates heavy vehicle traffic along a route that was not built for it, through settlements that are not otherwise affected. Dust, noise, road damage, safety and property damage follow.
None of this is land acquisition, and all of it produces the complaint volume. It belongs in the impact assessment and in the grievance mechanism's design, and the route selection deserves the same scrutiny as the site selection.[3]
Siting and the path of least resistance
Waste facilities are sited where land is cheap, available and politically weak, which is a description of where poor and informally settled populations live. The technical criteria — geology, hydrology, distance to collection — leave a wide feasible set, and the choice within that set is made on cost and objection risk.
Making the social criteria explicit in the siting matrix, alongside the technical ones, does not guarantee a different answer. It does make the trade-off visible and documented, which is what a reviewer will ask for and what a community will eventually ask about.[4]
Closure of the old site
Decommissioning the site being replaced is part of the same programme and is usually unfunded. Where it is simply abandoned, the picking population often stays, on a site with no operator, no management and worse conditions than before.
A closure plan with a funded aftercare period, and a transition arrangement for the people working there, is the part of a waste project most likely to be dropped when the budget tightens — and the part that determines whether anybody is better off.
Scoping checklist
- Register everyone in the buffer, not only in the footprint.
- Enumerate the working population at the existing site, on site, over several visits.
- Design picker integration into the new operation, or fund a genuine transition.
- Assess the haul route as an impact in its own right.
- Fund closure and aftercare of the site being replaced.
Sources
- [1]Performance Standard 5: Land Acquisition and Involuntary Resettlement — International Finance Corporation, 2012.
- [2]Guidance Note 5: Land Acquisition and Involuntary Resettlement — International Finance Corporation, 2012.
- [3]Good Practice Handbook: Land Acquisition and Involuntary Resettlement — International Finance Corporation, 2023.
- [4]ESF Guidance Note 5: Land Acquisition, Restrictions on Land Use and Involuntary Resettlement — World Bank, 2018.
Olule Solomon
Lead Consultant, ValueSpace
Olule Solomon is Lead Consultant at ValueSpace, where he works on land acquisition and resettlement systems for donor-financed infrastructure in East Africa. He writes about the practical gap between what the safeguard standards require and what a project can actually evidence at completion audit.
Related reading
- Eligibility without land title: squatters, tenants and encroachersNational law compensates interests; the standards compensate people. How to enumerate and pay those with no recognisable claim.
- Economic displacement of informal traders, kiosks and roadside businessesLosing a stall is losing a location, not a structure. Why disturbance allowances under-compensate the most exposed businesses.
- Choosing a resettlement site: the decision that determines everything after itReplacement housing fails on site selection more than on construction. What to assess, who to involve, and what disqualifies a site.
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